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CONTRIBUTION · 5th October 2013
An MWPR Special
Smallpox Epidemic of 1862 among Northwest Coast and Puget Sound Indians

An Unbiased account (not from Canadian or BC sanctioned sources) of our deliberate genocide - I am personally ashamed and outraged as the genocide of the Tsimshian, Tlingit, Tahltan, Gitxsan, Haisla, Haida, Wet’sewet’en and Nisga’a continues. All to get access to their territory for the resources.

SOURCE HERE

This file describes the 1862 smallpox epidemic among Northwest Coast tribes. It was carried from San Francisco on the steamship Brother Jonathan and arrived at Victoria, British Columbia, on March 12, 1862. White officials vaccinated as many whites as possible and very few Indians. When Indians camped near Victoria began dying of smallpox, Vancouver Island authorities forced them to leave. The Indians returned to their homelands, causing the disease to spread north from Vancouver Island to southern Alaska, and south into the Puget Sound region. As Robert Boyd writes in his seminal work, The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence, "this [Indian] epidemic might have been avoided, and the Whites knew it.” Boyd estimates that from April to December 1862, 14,000 Native Americans perished, about half the Indians living along the coast from Victoria to Alaska.

The Epidemic Ship Arrives

In the late afternoon of March 12, 1862, the Brother Jonathan steamed into Victoria, at the southernmost tip of Vancouver Island. She had traveled from San Francisco carrying about 350 passengers, mostly gold seekers. In the late fall or early winter of 1861-1862, news of a large gold strike along the Salmon River (in eastern Washington Territory, later Idaho) had reached the nation, but an extremely cold and snowy winter had delayed the rush until spring. The Brother Jonathan, commanded by Captain Samuel DeWolf, was one of the first ships to leave San Francisco carrying gold seekers for the Salmon River mines.

The Brother Jonathan brought mail and the latest news published in the San Francisco papers. Included were February 25th to March 3rd 1862 dispatches from the East, dominated by news of the Civil War (The Daily British Colonist, March 13, 1862).

In addition to 100 to 125 passengers bound for Victoria, the Brother Jonathan carried 60 tons of freight for the town, including hats, cigars, butter, saws, books, glassware, furniture, "oil suits," fry pans, vegetables, hops, boots and shoes, plus 75 sheep and 21 mules (The Daily British Colonist, March 13, 1862).

During the one night layover, prospectors filled every lodging house and hotel in town. It was reported that they saw the sights, which likely included the insides of grog houses and brothels with their Native American prostitutes.

The steamship stayed at Victoria for 24 hours. On March 13, at 4 p.m., Captain DeWolf blew the whistle and the Brother Jonathan, “[h]er decks alive” with now 400 passengers, made a boisterous departure for the Columbia River. For three more years the steamer would ply the coast, carrying freight and passengers. During an 1865 mid-summer storm, the Brother Jonathan, still commanded by Captain DeWolf, foundered while seeking refuge near Crescent City. All but 19 of the 200 passengers and crew perished. This is considered one of the Pacific Coast’s greatest ship disasters, but it pales in comparison to the death that the Brother Jonathan carried to the Northwest Coast during the last days of winter in the year 1862.

The Outbreak

A day or two following the steamship’s departure, rumors swept across Victoria of another "cargo" the Brother Jonathan had left behind - smallpox (Variola Major). On March 18, 1862, The Daily British Colonist confirmed that one of the passengers from the steamer had “varioloid” (smallpox). Two days later the paper reported on another passenger with the disease. On March 24, another steamer from San Francisco, the Oregon, arrived at Victoria carrying at least one passenger infected with smallpox. Thus began the catastrophic 1862 epidemic (The Daily British Colonist, March 18, 20, 22, 25, 26, 1862).

Smallpox in California

Apparently California had had smallpox infections for some time. On March 18, 1862, The Daily British Colonist reported that “small pox is very prevalent at San Francisco.” Further reports stated that 150 people had died from smallpox in San Luis Obispo (The Daily British Colonist, March 25, 26, 1862, April 2, 1862). In Olympia, the Washington Standard reprinted a portion of a letter received from California that stated: “The small-pox is raging throughout the city and county [of San Francisco], and indeed I might say in all the principal towns of the State [of California]. ... It is reported that over two thousand cases have occurred within the last week, though proportionately but few have ... proved fatal” (Washington Standard, April 5, 1862, p. 2).

The Smallpox Virus

Smallpox can be transmitted through the air by coughing and the virus can live on clothes, blankets, or other objects for some time. Once a person is infected there is an incubation period that lasts about 12 days with no symptoms and minimal chance of transmitting the disease.

The first symptoms appear suddenly and include a high fever, headache, body pains, and perhaps nausea and vomiting. This continues for the duration of the illness. Two or three days later, two weeks after first exposure to the virus, a rash begins on face, hands, and feet. (With the rash comes the most contagious period.) The rash spreads over the whole body. In about three days, the rash turns into red spots or bumps, and then into raised pus-filled lesions. The lesions look like blisters and are about the size of a dime. (In the worst cases, called confluent, there are so many lesions that they merge into one another covering whole parts of the body.) It takes about a month for the disease to run its course. The lesions on victims still alive become scabs and then slowly fall off. About six weeks after the initial infection most of the scabs are gone, leaving permanent scars or pockmarks on the body and for some, blindness in one or both eyes (Boyd, p. 174-175).

Smallpox Prevention Well Known

Once infected, except for bed rest, nothing could be done medically to stop the smallpox infection from running its course. But in 1862 there was awareness in Victoria and along the Pacific Coast of two measures that could be taken to prevent or minimize the spread of the disease. One was to quarantine those with smallpox and anyone who came into contact with infected people. The other was to vaccinate anyone who might become exposed. Neither of these was done for the northern tribes camped near Victoria.

A week after The Daily British Colonist confirmed the first smallpox case, the newspaper published an editorial titled “Quarantine.” Noting the danger of smallpox, the paper implored the authorities to take prompt action. The editorial stated:

“The most stringent regulations ought to be enforced, and enforced without a moment’s delay. If a case occurs the parties ouaht [ought] to be placed beyond the reach of communicating the infection to others. Imagine for a moment what a fearful calamity it would be, were the horde of Indians on the outskirts of the town to take the disease. Their filthy habits would perpetuate the evil; keep it alive in the community, sacrificing the lives of all classes. We … believe there is … great danger if the small-pox be allowed to spread through the neglect of the authorities” (The Daily British Colonist, March 26, 1862, p. 2).

The following day the paper stated: “The disease, we fear, will make sad havoc among the Indians unless stringent sanitary measures are adopted” (The Daily British Colonist, March 27, 1862, p. 3). But the “authorities” did not approve the quarantine and approved a smallpox hospital only for those who voluntarily wished to make use of it.

The Smallpox Vaccine

The other preventive was a smallpox vaccine. It was discovered in England in 1798 and first used in the Puget Sound area in 1837. On March 18, 1862, when The Daily British Colonist published confirmation of smallpox in Victoria, the paper made the following statement:

“[W]e advise our citizens ... to proceed at once to a physician and undergo vaccination ... from the loathsome disease ...” (The Daily British Colonist, March 18, 1862, p. 3).

Between March 18 and April 1, 1862, The Daily British Colonist reiterated to the citizens of Victoria at least five times the importance of getting vaccinated. The paper estimated that by April 1, one-half of the “resident Victorians” were vaccinated. In 1862, Victoria, the largest town north of the Columbia River, had a white population of from 2,500 to 5,000. The nearby Indian population was about the same size. There were probably at least 2,000 Northern Indians (who lived along the coast from northern Vancouver Island to Alaska) camping on the outskirts of Victoria, plus at least 1,600 local Indians who lived nearby.

Initially no demands were made to vaccinate these local groups. By March 27, 1862, Dr. John Helmcken (1824-1920), Hudson's Bay Company physician, had vaccinated about 30 local resident Songhees Indians, who constituted less than 1 percent of the nearby natives.

The Songhees Were Saved

On April 1, 1862, 18 days after the Brother Jonathan departed, the first reports were published of an Indian, who lived in town, with smallpox. The Victoria authorities and residents did not react. As the virus spread it would be more than two weeks before the local newspapers reported local Indians receiving additional vaccines. On April 16, Dr. Helmcken vaccinated another 30 Indians. By April 25, The Daily British Colonist reported that since the outbreak Dr. Helmcken had vaccinated “over 500 natives” (April 26, 1862, p. 3).

Apparently, the doctor distributed most of his vaccine to the Songhees, a local tribe that resided near Victoria. Soon after smallpox symptoms emerged at the Northern Indian encampment, the Songhees departed their Vancouver Island village(s) en masse to a nearby island in Haro Strait. Because of the vaccinations and the tribe’s self-imposed quarantine, the Songhees survived the epidemic with few deaths (Boyd, 176, 177, 183).

Was There a Shortage of Vaccine?

It is unknown how large a supply of the smallpox vaccine was kept at Victoria. Boyd states that the vaccine was “available, though in short supply” (Boyd, p. 172). Possibly there was a shortage of vaccine when the smallpox epidemic started. According to Boyd, Anglican missionary Alexander Garrett stated in his Reminiscences that there was not enough vaccine “within seven hundred miles to go around” (Boyd p 178-9).

Still, during the entire run of the epidemic The Daily British Colonist did not mention a vaccine shortage at any time. On the contrary, during the last half of March, after the first smallpox case was discovered, the paper mentioned numerous times the availability of the vaccine. In mid-June, about when the Indian epidemic along the coast reached its height, The Daily British Colonist (June 14, 1862) asked why “our philanthropists” and “missionaries” had not started “vaccinating the poor wretches” in mid-April?

If there was a vaccine shortage, it was just temporary. Apparently, by May 1, 1862, at the latest, there was plenty of vaccine to go around. During the first half of May 1862, Father Leon Fouquet, a Catholic Missionary, reportedly vaccinated 3,400 Indians along the lower Fraser River. At the same time, other missions along both sides of the Strait of Georgia and in Puget Sound received supplies to vaccinate nearby tribes people. The ravages of the epidemic bypassed these vaccinated groups (The Daily British Colonist, March 18, 26, 27, 28, 1862, April 1, 1862, June 14, 1862; Boyd, p. 183-184).

The Epidemic Could Have Been Stopped

In the spring of 1862, the government body that administered authority over Victoria was the House of Assembly of the Colony of Vancouver Island (in 1866 Vancouver Island merged with the mainland colony of British Columbia). The town of Victoria had not incorporated, so had no town council and no mayor. At least two members of the House of Assembly, along with the Governor of the Colony, undoubtedly were aware of the obvious consequences of not immunizing the Indians, and not placing them under quarantine.

In 1862, Dr. William Tolmie (1812-1886) and Dr. John Helmcken were both legislators in the Vancouver Island Assembly, Helmcken serving as Speaker, one of the highest elected positions in the Colony. The Hudson's Bay Co. hired William Tolmie in 1833 and John Helmcken in 1850 as physicians.

In 1837, reports reached Fort Vancouver of smallpox in northern British Columbia. Before the disease reached Puget Sound, Hudson's Bay Co. dispatched Tolmie to vaccinate the Indians near Fort Nisqually. By mid-July 1837, he had inoculated all the women and children and probably most of the men. In 1853 Tolmie again helped vaccinate "large numbers" of Indians near Fort Nisqually during a smallpox epidemic centered along Washington Territory's Pacific coast (Boyd, 170). John Helmcken also served as HBC physician for a number of years, and then continued in private practice until he retired in 1910. They were both well aware of the issues surrounding smallpox.

Governor James Douglas Proposes Action

Shortly after the smallpox outbreak, James Douglas, the Governor of the Colony of Vancouver Island, submitted a proposal to the House of Assembly regarding smallpox. James Douglas had arrived on the coast in 1826 and was familiar with two previous Indian epidemics on the coast (1836-37 smallpox and 1847-48 measles). In his March 27, 1862 proposal to the Assembly he noted that because “several cases” of smallpox had occurred it “is desirable that instant measures should be adopted to prevent the spread of the infection ...” and “strongly recommended” that the House immediately appropriate funds to build a hospital in a isolated location for all cases of smallpox (Journal of the Colonial Legislatures ... vol. 2, p. 350).

Dr. Helmcken and Others Oppose Action

Four days later, the nine-member House of Assembly, including Speaker Helmcken and Tolmie, met and considered the Governor’s proposal recommending a smallpox hospital and “compelling” all patients to be sent there. According to a newspaper account, Speaker Dr. Helmcken stated he was against a fully staffed hospital and against forcing all cases of smallpox to go there. The doctor expressed concern about the cost of establishing and operating the hospital and that it would interfere with the liberty of the patients. Helmcken went even further and chastised the Governor for being an alarmist about the disease.

The majority of the other members agreed with Mr. Helmcken. The members did vote to construct a “suitable building” near the present hospital for white smallpox patients, but did not require them to go.

The Assembly also rejected the establishment of a quarantine for the same reasons - cost and restricting liberty. Apparently only one member, Mr. Burnaby, spoke out in favor of a fully staffed Smallpox Hospital and the quarantine. The newspaper account did not mention any discussion about what to do to prevent smallpox from infecting the Indians (The Daily British Colonist, March 28, 1862, April 1, 1862).

This inaction of the Assembly and other government officials sealed the fate of nearly every group of Northwest Coast Indians from Sitka to northern Vancouver Island and south into the Puget Sound area. Robert Boyd estimates that from April 1862 to about the end of year, more than 14,000 Indians died of smallpox and untold hundreds of survivors were disfigured for life. Boyd states unequivocally: "This [Indian] epidemic might have been avoided, and the Whites knew it” (Boyd p 172).

The Epidemic

Victoria was a rendezvous for most Northern Indian groups located along the coast from northern Vancouver Island to the Queen Charlotte Islands to Sitka, Alaska. Indians camped near Victoria seeking employment and to trade, socialize, and gamble. In mid-April 1859, a census of these Northern Indian encampments counted 2,235 Indians. The census takers determined the tribal affiliation of about two-thirds of those counted. The Indians included Tsimshian (44 percent), Haida (26 percent), Tlingit (15 percent), Bella Bella (renamed Heiltsuk) (8 percent), and Indians near Fort Rupert (Southern Kwakiutl renamed Kwakwaka’wakw) (7 percent).

Depending on the season and comings and goings to and from Victoria, the total number and the percentage from any one tribe varied. In 1862, no estimate was made of the number of Northern Indians camped near Victoria, but it is likely that there were more than 2,000 (Boyd p. 176-177).

During most of April 1862, few newspapers reported on the disease. During this month, smallpox was spreading amongst the Northern Indian encampments, unseen because of the two-week incubation period before the rash made its appearance. In his Reminiscences, Anglican missionary Reverend Alexander Garrett stated that he first saw smallpox at the Northern Indian Tsimshian encampment or village on a Sunday. He does not provide a date, but it is likely April 20, 1862, or perhaps the previous week (Boyd p 177).

On April 26, 1862, The Daily British Colonist, after interviewing Reverend Garrett, reported:

“... small-pox is creating fearful ravages at the Chimsean [Tsimshian] village [encampment]. Twenty have died within the past few days; four died yesterday. ... Great alarm exists at the village, and it is thought that nearly the whole tribe will be swept away” (The Daily British Colonist, April 26, 1862, 3).

On April 28, 1862, The Daily British Colonist estimated that 10 percent of the 300 members of the Chimsean [Tsimshian] tribe had already perished or were “hopelessly ill.” The paper stated, “As the cases at the Chimsean [Tsimshian] village are of the most virulent type, the danger of a spread of the disease are very great, and every precaution must be taken by citizens to guard against contagion” (The Daily British Colonist, April 28, 1862, p. 3).

For the next 10 weeks, smallpox dominated the news of the town and words such as "ravages," "scourge," and "alarm" appeared frequently in the newspapers.

Whites Concerned About Whites

On April 28, 1862, The Daily British Colonist published an editorial titled “The Small-Pox Among the Indians.” The newspaper reminded readers of a previous warning (likely the March 26 article) “that if proper precautions were not take[n] at once to prevent that loathsome disease from spreading, the Indians ... would become infected and through them spread itself throughout the colony.” The editorial continued, “We regret to say, that so far as the Indians are concerned our prediction has been verified.”

The paper remarked on the consequences of the authorities' intentional refusal to act to vaccinate and quarantine the Indians:

“Were it likely that the disease would only spread among the Indians, there might be those among us like our authorities who would rest undisturbed, content that the small-pox is a fit successor to the moral ulcer that has festered at our doors. ... [But] chances are that the pestilence will spread among our white population [because] ... [t]he Indians have free access to the town day and night. They line our streets, fill the pit in our theatre, are found at nearly every open door ... in the town; and are even employed as servants in our dwellings, and in the culinary departments of our restaurants and hotels” (The Daily British Colonist, April 28, 1862, p. 2).

The editorial’s solution was to move all of the Indians “to a place remote from communication with the whites, whilst the infected [Indian] houses with all their trumpery should be burned to ashes ...” Frustrated in attempts to get the authorities to act, it implored “our citizens improvise a Board of Health. Let them meet today. ... Let them take any means, no matter what, to protect their families from the pestilential scourge that is hovering among the savages on the out skirts of the town” (The Daily British Colonist, April 28, 1862, p. 2).

May 1862: Catastrophe

By the end of the first week of May 1862, smallpox was “making frightful inroads” in most if not all of the Northern Indian camps near Victoria. On May 9, 1862, Reverend George Hills recorded in his journal, “I went through the Hydah [Haida] and Bella Bella [Heiltsuk] camps, and found thirteen cases and one dead body. I have never witnessed such horrible scenes of death, misery, filth, and suffering before” (Boyd, p. 179).

On May 13, 1862, referring to the Northern Indians, The Daily British Colonist estimated the “loathsome disease ... is now destroying the poor wretches at the rate of six each day” (May 13, 1862, p. 6). The next day the paper estimated that a total of 100 or more nearby Northern Indians had died since the disease first broke out. And the Colonist predicted “We should not be in the least surprised if the disease were to visit and nearly destroy every tribe of Indians between here and Sitka” (May 14, 1862, p. 5). Two weeks later the paper estimated that at least one-third of the nearby Northern Indians had died and that “At the present rate of mortality, a Northern Indian will be an object of curiosity in two years from now” (May 27, 1862, p. 3).

Forced Evacuation

Commissioner of Police Joseph Pemberton, probably the object of the above (April 28) editorial, was spurred into action by the concern and apparent near panic of some Victoria residents. The same evening as the editorial, Pemberton, focusing on the Indian camp with smallpox symptoms, issued orders that the Chimseans [Tsimshians] had one day to leave and further ordered that the gunboat Grappler “assist” in their departure to make sure they left. Action was also taken to remove Indians from the town proper. By April 30, 1862, nearly all of the Tsimshians had left, torching their dwellings as they departed. Numbers of Stickeen [Tlingit] and Hydah [Haida] Indians also left. From then on the local authorities forced numerous groups of infected natives to leave the southeastern end of Vancouver Island (The Daily British Colonist, April 29, 30, 1862, May 1, 1862).

Pemberton went further than just demanding that the Indians leave. On June 11, 1862, the Police Commissioner and a group of policemen forced about 300 men, women, and children camped near Victoria to return to their northern homeland. The gunboat Forward (Captain Lascelles), took a 15-day trip to Fort Rupert towing 26 canoes full of natives. Included were 20 canoes of Hydahs [Haida], five canoes of other Indians from the Queen Charlotte Islands, and one canoe of Stickeen [Tlingit] Indians.

Full Knowledge of the Consequences

In June 1862, The Daily British Colonist, noting the devastation of the Indians up to that time, stated the obvious inevitable consequences of these escorted canoes. Referring to a group of Haida who recently departed Victoria, the newspaper wrote:

“How have the mighty fallen! Four short years ago, numbering their braves by thousands, they were the scourge and terror of the coast; today, broken-spirited and effeminate, with scarce a corporal’s guard of warriors remaining alive, they are proceeding northward, bearing with them the seeds of a loathsome disease that will take root and bring both a plentiful crop of ruin and destruction to the friends who have remained at home. At the present rate of mortality, not many months can elapse ‘ere the Northern Indians of this coast will exist only in story” (The Daily British Colonist, June 21, 1862, p. 3; Boyd, p. 173, 229).

As the Forward conveyed the 26 canoes of Indians north, the disease was spreading. After the gunboats returned from Fort Rupert, a crewmember remarked that he saw a "few cases" of smallpox break out amongst the Indians under tow (The Daily British Colonist, June 30, 1862, July 2, 1862).

Although most Indians had left the outskirts of Victoria by mid-June, Pemberton continued to force them away. At the end of June 1862, The Daily British Colonist headlined a story about 30 Indians camped near Victoria: “Can’t Get Rid of Them.” The article went on to say “The police authorities are put to their wits’ ends to know what to do with the natives. Living or dead they cause a world of trouble” (The Daily British Colonist, June 30, 1862, p. 3).

By early July there were few Indian survivors near Victoria. On July 7, 1862, The Daily British Colonist stated:

“The small pox seems to have exhausted itself, for want of material to work upon; and we have heard of no new cases [of smallpox infecting Victoria’s residents] within the last few days. One or two Indians die nearly every day; but what is an Indian’s life worth? Not so much as a pet dog’s, to judge from the cruel apathy and stolid indifference with which they were allowed to rot under the very eyes ... of those whose sacred duty it was to have comforted them in their hour of misery and wretchedness” (July 7, 1862, p. 3).

Death Travels the Inside Passage

On May 17, 1862, after a two-and-a-half week trip from Victoria, canoes full of Tsimshians arrived in the vicinity of Fort Simpson. This was the first group of Indians forced from Victoria to arrive at their homeland. They carried with them their personal effects, other goods, and smallpox. The Tsimshians were soon followed by others returning to their homes along the northern British Columbia and southern Alaska coast (Boyd, p. 186).

For two weeks, smallpox would appear only amongst the recent arrivals from the south. Then, symptoms began appearing in relatives and neighbors. Throughout the village men, women, and children came down with fevers, followed by rashes and lesions. Following is a summer 1862 eyewitness account by H. Spencer Palmer of how the disease ravaged one of the Bella Coola [Nuxalk] villages.

“Numbers were dying each day; sick men and women were taken out into the woods and left with a blanket and two or three salmon to die by themselves and rot unburied; sick children were tied to trees, and naked, grey-haired medicine men, hideously painted, howled and gesticulated night and day in front of the lodges in mad efforts to stay the progress of the disease” (H. Spencer Palmer account published in 1863 and transcribed by Boyd, p. 192).

An account of the 1862 epidemic was passed down to a member of the Bella Bella tribe who in the late 1980s related the following: “I heard about this what happened ... before my time what they called smallpox ... They couldn’t tell how many people had died. Some women lay down dead, and the little baby was still sucking their tits, and she’d be dead” (Boyd, p. 191).

On the evening of June 12, 1862, the first word from the north reached Victoria of the devastation caused by the smallpox epidemic. Captain Shaff of the trading schooner Nonpareil, just returned, reported that Indians at Fort Simpson and Fort Rupert were “dying from the small pox like rotten sheep. Hundreds were swept away within a few days, and many bodies remain unburied” (The Daily British Colonist, June 13, 1862, p. 3).

A week later Captain Osgood of the sloop Northern Light, who spent the first half of June in northern waters, returned to Victoria and confirmed Captain Shaff’s reports. Captain Osgood stated that another northern tribe, the Bella-Bellas [Heiltsuk], were “dying off very fast” and that the “ravages of small pox at [Fort] Rupert had been frightful. The tribe native to that section was nearly exterminated” (The Daily British Colonist, June 21, 1862, p. 3).

Captain Shaff also stated that the Indians sent away from Victoria were rapidly perishing. He observed how the Indians reacted to the eruption of the disease as they paddled their canoes north:

“So soon as [smallpox] pustules appear upon an occupant of one of the canoes, he is put ashore; a small piece of muslin, to serve as a tent, is raised over him, a small allowance of bread, fish and water doled out and he is left alone to die” (The Daily British Colonist, June 14, 1862, p. 3).

Captain Osgood verified these reports and stated:

“The sick and dead with their canoes, blankets, guns, &c, were left along the coast. In one encampment, about twelve miles above Nanaimo, Capt. Osgood counted twelve dead Indians -- the bodies festering in the noonday sun” (The Daily British Colonist, June 21, 1862, p. 3).

He went on to say that of a group of 60 Hydahs [Haidas] sent from Victoria in mid-May, 40 had died. On July 11, 1862, the paper reported that Captain Whitford, who just returned from a voyage north, counted 100 bodies of Indians dispersed along the shores north of Nanaimo (The Daily British Colonist, June 21, 1862, July 11, 1862).

GENOCIDING FOR SEVEN GENERATIONS- RECONCILIATION FAILS TRUTH
Comment by MWPR on 5th October 2013
GENOCIDING FOR SEVEN GENERATIONS- RECONCILIATION FAILS TRUTH

The Residential School survivors had it easy. The first generation of victims didn’t survive.

And this is the truth the Canadian and British Columbian Governments, their Ministers and appointees, along with the corrupted Indian leadership do not want the public to become aware of. The Residential Schools were primarily and fundamentally a mop up operation for what the British Colonist Newspaper in 1862 referred to as a process of extermination of all Indian peoples of Rupert’s land and Oregon Country, the land we now call British Columbia.

Dr. Helmcken and Reverend Sheepshanks were at the helm of the purposeful and deliberate inoculation and spread of the small pox epidemic in order to exterminate every last Indian from the Interior of BC. In particular Helmcken focused on the Northwest; the Haida, Haisla, Tsimshian, Nisga’a, Tlingit and Tahltan were his primary target. In his own words he despised the Haida the most. Helmcken took it upon himself to personally infect as many as he could and then as House Leader in Govenor James Douglas’s Colonial Government, Helmcken argued against any care for the Indians he infected. In fact he spoke against a hospital or any quarantine, rather he argued and order all the Indians be evicted from the Victoria Colony to spread the virus as far and as wide as possible.

No one knows how many died however the community of Tsimshian at Port Simpson alone was recorded as having a population of over 20,000. Only 300 are said to have survived. This survival dismayed people like Dr. Helmcken.

And the process in now in its seventh generation. It was the Extractive sector of the British and Canadian Governments that initiated and paid for the seizure of Indian children from their communities and families and it is the extractive sector today that is funding the infiltration and corruption of the untruthful reconciliation process.

“Extractive” is the new buzz word for the mining and petroleum industry activities. It seems to sound safer and more palatable. It is the same as the historical resource extraction activities which began when the first traders arrived from Europe.